In a well-researched piece in the Economic and Political Weekly, Jyoti Punwani analyzes the run-up to the Aug. 11 rally at Azad Maidan in Mumbai and the fallout from the violence that occurred. There were clear signs of upcoming trouble, which the Mumbai police should have noticed, she argues, including a weeklong promotion of the rally that involved the circulation of graphic video clips taken from the Internet and widespread discussion in the Urdu press. The Mumbai police suffer from a chronic lack of intelligence about the city's Muslim community, she argues, caused by its lack of knowledge of Urdu, lack of Muslim recruits and biased attitude.
Political leaders in Maharashtra have cultivated a few Muslim leaders who, while they may lack influence within the community, become spokespeople for the Muslim community, she writes, adding that they may have picked the wrong leaders. Raza Academy, one such influential group, has a reputation for violence and aggravation, but is protected and was allowed to convene the rally because of its political connections and clout.
In Tehelka, Ratnadip Choudhury and Avalok Langer write about the roots of the July violence in Assam. The authors argue that the rationale behind the riots was not communal but rather one of land and livelihood, and that the problem is rooted in a political system that has failed to solve a 30-year-old conflict. The administration's late reaction to the most recent crisis is an example of its lack of desire to solve the issue, the authors argue.
“While the issue of illegal migration has often been cited as the sole reason for the present state of affairs in Assam, the reality on the ground is far more complex. An inept administrative machinery, lack of coordination, a myopic vision and of course, the unwillingness to acknowledge a growing problem have all, in part, contributed to the blo odshed,†they argue.
While the piece finds fault with the current administration, the authors acknowledge that the current crisis can be traced to the disintegration of Assam after independence. The piece ends on a warning note, stating that if these issues are not addressed, incidents like the violence at Kokrajhar will recur.
In Open, Lhendup Bhutia writes a remarkable tale of a 4-year-old who went missing and returned last month, 38 years later. Chhaidy, now 42, is a native of Theiva, a village of approximate 150 homes in Mizoram, near the Myanmar border. Chhaidy disappeared into the nearby forest when she was 4 along with Beirakhu, her cousin. While Beirakhu was discovered near a stream five days later, Chhaidy remained at large. While Chhaidy was intermittently spotted by villagers in the forest over the next few years, local legend has it that Chhaidy was “taken away by a spirit in the forest.â€
Years later, Chhaidy was spotted in Myanmar, by r esidents of Aru village. They said that they had seen a “wild-looking woman, naked, long-haired and with long fingernails.†She was not used to human interaction and would resist the villagers' attempts to take her in. Four years ago, spotted in a miserable state in Aru's cemetery, she was taken in by the villagers. When her father heard news of a “jungle girl†adopted by Aru villagers who resembled him, he went to see if it was indeed his daughter.
She is now home, back with her family in Mizoram. The piece wonderfully describes her gradual introduction to human interaction. Bhutia writes, “She may be 42, but in many ways, she has only just begun to experience childhood and adolescence.â€
