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Younger Indians Eager to Embrace Foreign Big-Box Stores and Malls

PATNA, India - A long-festering controversy about whether India should allow foreign retailers like Wal-Mart into the country has often been cast as a battle between millions of small shopkeepers and large corporate interests. But in much of the country, including in this eastern city, the issue often divides Indians as much by age as by their livelihoods.

Those younger than 25, a group that includes about half the country's 1.2 billion people, appear quite open and eager to try foreign brands and shopping experiences, researchers say. They already while away their afternoons at Western-style malls like the year-old P&M mall here where they try on T-shirts by Benetton, eat pizza from Domino's and watch movies in a Mexican-owned theater chain, Cinepolis.

Aakash Singh, a 20-year-old college student who recently came to the mall here one afternoon, summed up his generation's attitude toward foreign retailers this way: “Absolutely, they should come. The country will benefit.”

But many older Indians who came of age in an earlier era of socialist policies say they are not entirely comfortable with the idea of big-box stores and sprawling malls. They worry that foreign companies will siphon profits and business from Indian competitors, forcing millions of family-owned shops to close.

Isahak Sanatan, 34, counts himself among that worried generation even though he has worked for foreign telecommunications companies for most of his career. “Why are we allowing outsiders” into this industry? he asked during a recent visit to the mall with his wife and 3-year-old daughter. “The foreigners will take the profits out of the country.”

So far, the older generation is prevailing. After years of debating the issue, Indian policy makers last month allowed big foreign chains like Wal-Mart and Tesco to set up stores in the country. But, in an acknowledgment of the significant dissent that remains, each of the country's 29 state governments was granted the ability to forbid foreign-owned outlets in their territories.

Leaders of most Indian states, including Bihar, of which Patna is the capital, have said they will not allow foreign retail outlets to operate within their borders. Companies like Benetton and Domino's that sell goods under a single brand or through franchisees had already been free to set up stores with Indian partners.

The policy change has touched off a political reaction, with one important regional political party withdrawing support from the national governing coalition led by the Indian National Congress Party. Analysts say the opposition from many politicians reflects in part the fact that the median age of Indian ministers is 65, compared with 25 for the general population.

Also, the young have so far been less likely than their parents to vote, so their strength in numbers has not yet compelled policy makers to pay much heed to them.

Still, the government of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh appears to be counting on their support. Many of those in their 20s or younger were born just before or after the country began introducing free-market policies and opening its economy to greater trade and foreign investment in the early 1990s. Last month, Mr. Singh invoked the benefits of accepting foreign retailers for the young in a rare address to the country to defend the change in policy.

“Foreign companies are creating jobs for our youth - in information technology, in steel, and in the auto industry,” he said. “I am sure this will happen in retail trade as well.”

India's youth grew up during a time when foreign brands like Coca-Cola, Suzuki and Levi's became touchstones across the country. Some foreign companies have become ingrained in the fabric of Indian culture. For instance, many Indians now serve Cadbury milk chocolates at religious festivals, along with traditional sweets.

Moreover, unlike their parents, today's young people were not as indoctrinated by their schools and families to believe in swadeshi, a slogan that roughly means self-sufficiency and that was championed by freedom fighters like Mohandas K. Gandhi during their struggle against Britain.

“Now, the consumers are essentially the young generation who are a post-'80s product,” said Shaibal Gupta, member secretary of the Asian Development Research Institute, a research group based in Patna. “The people born in the '60s and '70s had some idea about the freedom movement,” but the newer generations do not.

Still, retail analysts say change will come slowly to India's $500 billion retail industry, more than 90 percent of which is still dominated by small family-owned stores. Young Indians do not yet have as much purchasing power as their parents, for one thing, though because many live with their families they often have disposable income to spend on goods like clothes and cellphones.

Indians ages 16 to 23 already account for a quarter of the spending on clothing and 16 percent of spending in restaurants in India's 50 biggest cities, according to Technopak, a research and consulting firm. The young also tend to spend more money in modern retail stores and on foreign brands than their parents, who tend to shop at traditional outlets and buy more Indian products.

“This is a segment that will flourish over the years because there are so many young people,” said Saloni Nangia, president of Technopak. “A lot of people are taking part-time jobs or are working so that gives them a lot more disposable income.”

The growth has been particularly strong in smaller cities like Patna, which has two million people. A recent study by the Boston Consulting Group found that retail sales were growing by about 15 percent a year in these cities, compared with 12 percent in bigger cities like Mumbai and New Delhi.

Patna, in particular, is seen as a shining example of a newly resurgent Indian heartland. Bihar, one of India's poorest states, had long languished under incompetent and corrupt leaders. But over the last seven years, a new administration has brought the state's crime rate under control, built new roads and improved school enrollment, allowing the economy to recover.

The P&M mall, owned by a prominent Bihari film director and producer, Prakash Jha, is a prime example of the city's renaissance. Though small at 225,000 square feet by the standards of most malls in the United States, or even in Mumbai, many city residents say they look at it and the foreign-brand stores in it like Puma and Nike with pride. On any given afternoon, the mall is filled with college students, families and seniors. Many come just to take a ride on the escalators, which are still novel here.

Benetton, the Italian clothing chain, has two franchised stores in the mall and another elsewhere in the city. It will soon add two more outlets in the city, which has been one of its best markets among India's smaller cities, said Sanjeev Mohanty, managing director of Benetton India. The company has sales of nearly 100 million euros, or $130 million, and is growing more than 20 percent a year.

“In the last five years, India's retail landscape has changed quite dramatically,” Mr. Mohanty said. He cited two reasons: “increase in income in big and small cities, and the second is a lot of real estate development.”

Alisha Manubansh, a 22-year-old college student, is one reason for the company's success. She said she and her friends come to the mall at least a couple times a week - as much as their parents will allow them to and spend a lot of their time at Benetton, in part because it is the most fashionable brand in the mall.

“Since this mall opened, we don't like going to other stores,” she said.

Other patrons like Abhishek Kumar, a 24-year-old student, come primarily to watch movies, eat at the food court and window shop. “We first come and look and see what's available and what's on sale. Then we come back later to buy,” said Mr. Kumar, whose family owns a cloth store about a 10-minute drive from the mall. “Our resources are limited.”

Though Bihar has said no to big foreign retailers that sell multiple brands, Wal-Mart's top executive in India, Raj Jain, said the company saw a huge market in places like Patna, which he argued were filled with “value-conscious” consumers like Mr. Kumar who would be drawn by the chain's low prices.

Many in the older generation say while they are not entirely comfortable with the move toward modern stores and foreign brands, they think little can be done to reverse the tide.

Mr. Kumar's father, Anant Kumar Sinha, who rarely goes to the mall, says he has seen the changing tastes in his business. Unlike their parents' generation, most young people are not interested in buying cloth and taking it to a tailor. His sales have been stagnant in recent years as the youth move to off-the-rack clothes from domestic and foreign labels.

“The kids of the poor are also wearing jeans and T-shirts,” he said. “The new generation does not care about the way it was done before.”



My \'Small Video Star\' Fights for Her Life

By ADAM B. ELLICK

I had the privilege of following Malala Yousafzai, on and off, for six months in 2009, documenting some of the most critical days of her life for two films, “Class Dismissed in Swat Valley,” and “A Schoolgirl's Odyssey.” I was there for the final school day before the Taliban closed down her school in Pakistan's Swat Valley; through the summer when war displaced and separated her family; then the day she pleaded with President Obama's special representative to Afghanistan and Pakistan, Richard Holbrooke, to intervene; and the uncertain afternoon she returned to discover the fate of her home, school, and her two pet chickens.

A year after my two-part documentary on her family was finished, Malala and father, Ziauddin, had become my friends. They stayed with me in Islamabad. Malala inherited my old Apple laptop. Once, we went shopping together for English-language books and DVDs. When Malala opted for some trashy Amer ican sitcoms, I was forced to remind myself that this girl â€" who had never shuddered at beheaded corpses, public floggings, and death threats directed at her father - was still just a kid.

Today, she is a teenager, fighting for life after being gunned down by the Taliban for doing what girls do all over the world: going to school.

The Malala I know transformed with age, from an obedient, rather shy girl 11-year-old into a publicly fearless teenager consumed with taking her activism to new heights. Her father's personal crusade to restore female education seemed contagious. He is a poet, a school owner and an unflinching educational activist. Ziauddin truly adores his two other sons, but he often referred to Malala as something entirely special. When he sent the boys to bed, Malala was permitted to sit with us as we talked about life and politics deep into the night.

After the film was seen, Malala became even more emboldened . She hosted foreign diplomats in Swat, held press conferences on peace and education, and as a result, she won a host of peace awards. Her best work, however, was that she kept going to school.

In the documentary, and on the surface, Malala comes across as a steady and calming force, undeterred by anxiety or risk. She is mature beyond her years. She never displayed a mood swing, and never complained about my laborious and redundant interviews.

But don't be fooled by her gentle demeanor and soft voice. Malala is also fantastically stubborn and feisty- traits that I hope will enable her recovery. When we struggled to secure a dial-up connection for her laptop, her luddite father scurried over to offer his advice. She didn't roll an eye, or bark back. Instead, she diplomatically told her father that she, not he, is the person to solve the problem - an uncommon act that defies Pakistani familial tradition. As he walked away, she offered me a smirk of confidence.

Another day, Ziauddin forgot Malala's birthday, and the non-confrontational daughter couldn't hold it in. She ridiculed her father in a text message, forced him to apologize, and to buy everyone a round of ice cream - which always made her really happy.

Her father was a bit traditional, and as a result, I was unable to interact with her mother. I used to chide Ziaduan about these restrictions, especially in front of Malala. Her father would laugh dismissively, and joke that Malala should not be listening. Malala beamed as I pressed her father to treat his wife as an equal. Sometimes I felt like her de-facto uncle. I could tell her father the things she couldn't.

I first met Malala in January 2009, just 10 days before the Taliban planned to close down her girls' school, and hundreds of others in the Swat Valley. It was too dangerous to travel to Swat, so we met in a dingy guesthouse on the outskirts of Peshawar, the same city where she is today fighting for her life in a military hospital.

In 10 days, her father would lose the family business, and Malala would lose her 5th grade education. I was there to assess the risks of reporting on this issue. With the help of a Pakistani journalist, I started interviewing Ziauddin. My anxiety rose with each of his answers. Militants controlled the checkpoints. They murdered anyone who dissented, often leaving beheaded corpses on the main square. Swat was too dangerous for a documentary.

I then solicited Malala's opinion. Irfan Ashraf, a Pakistani journalist who was assisting my reporting and who knew the family, translated the conversation. This went on for about 10 minutes until I noticed, from her body language, that Malala understood my questions in English.

“Do you speak English?” I asked her.

“Yes, of course,” she said in perfect English. “I was just saying there is a fear in my heart that the Taliban are going to close my school.”

I was enamore d by Malala's presence ever since that sentence. But Swat was still too risky. For the first time in my career, I was in the awkward position of trying to convince a source, Ziauddin, that the story was not worth the risk. But Ziauddin fairly argued that he is already a public activist in Swat, prominent in the local press, and that if the Taliban want to kill him or his family, then they would do so anyway. He said he was willing to die for the cause. But I never asked Malala if she was willing to die as well.

Finally, my favorite memory of Malala is the only time I was with her without her father. It's the scene at the end of the second film, when she is exploring her decrepit classroom, which the military had turned into a bunker after they had pushed the Taliban out of the valley. I asked her to give me a tour of the ruins of the school. The scene seems written or staged. But all I did was press record and this 11-year-old girl spoke eloquently from the heart.

< p>She noticed how the soldiers drilled a lookout hole into the wall of her classroom, scribbling on the wall with a yellow highlighter “This is Pakistan.”

Malala looked at the marking, and said, “Look! This is Pakistan. Taliban destroyed us.”

In her latest email to me, in all caps, she wrote “I WANT AN ACCESS TO THE WORLD OF KNOWLEDGE.” And she signed it, “YOUR SMALL VIDEO STAR.”

I too wanted her to access the broader world, so during one of my final nights in Pakistan, I took a long midnight walk with her father, and spoke to him frankly about options for Malala's education. I was less concerned with her safety as the Pakistani military had, in large part, won the war against the Taliban. We talked about her potential to thrive on a global level, and I suggested a few actions steps towards securing scholarships for elite boarding schools in Pakistan, or even in the United States. Her father beamed with pride, but added, “In a few years. S he isn't ready yet.”

I don't think he was ready, to let her go. And who can blame him for that?



Image of the Day: Oct. 9

By THE NEW YORK TIMES

Pakistani Activist, 14, Shot by Taliban

By ROBERT MACKEY

A spokesman for the Taliban in Pakistan's Swat Valley claimed responsibility for the shooting on Tuesday of a 14-year-old activist who is an outspoken advocate of education for girls. The attack on Malala Yousafzai, who was shot in the head on her way home from school in Mingora, the region's main city, outraged many Pakistanis, but a militant spokesman told a newspaper the group would target the girl again if she survived.

Ehsanullah Ehsan, a spokesman for Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan, commonly known as the Pakistani Taliban, told Reuters in a telepho ne interview Malala “was pro-West, she was speaking against Taliban and she was calling President Obama her idol.” He admitted that she was young, but said that “she was promoting Western culture in Pashtun areas,” referring to the ethnic group in northwest Pakistan and eastern Afghanistan whose conservative values the Taliban claims to defend.

Another girl, who was wounded in the attack, said in a television interview with Pakistan's Express News that a man had stopped the school bus and asked which girl was Malala before opening fire.

A video report from Pakistan's Express News on the shooting of a 14-year-old activist in Pakistan's Swat Valley on Tuesday features an interview with a wounded witness.

Pakistan's Express Tribune reported that doctors at a hospital in Mingora, the region's main city, said that Malala was “out of danger” because the bullet that “struck her skull and came out on the o ther side and hit her shoulder” had not damaged her brain. The newspaper added that the girl was later moved to Peshawar in a Pakistani Army helicopter.

Malala became well-known in Pakistan as the author of a blog for the BBC's Urdu-language Web site, “Diary of a Pakistani Schoolgirl,” in which she chronicled life under Taliban rule, after the Swat Valley was overrun by the Islamist militants in 2009. “At that time,” she wrote later, “some of us would go to school in plain clothes, not in school uniform, just to pretend we are not students, and we hid our books under our shawls.”

My colleague Adam Ellick interviewed Malala extensively in 2009, for a two-part documentary about her father's struggle to reopen a school for girls in Swat after the Pakistani military regained control of the valley from the Taliban.

A BBC News video report on Malala broadcast last year included footage of her reading from the diary she kept under the pen name Gul Ma kai when she was 11.



Geithner Meets Chidambaram in Delhi

By GARDINER HARRIS

Timothy F. Geithner, the United States Treasury secretary, returned to his childhood elementary school here in India on Tuesday before attending a day of meetings with Indian leaders and business executives.

Both Mr. Geithner and his Indian counterpart, Finance Minister P. Chidambaram, gave the usual platitudes in a news conference about how their discussions were “fruitful” and “substantive.” And Mr. Geithner praised India for undertaking a series of important policy changes to ease restrictions on foreign investments in the country's retail, media and airline sectors.

“I think the reforms outlined by the government of India offer very promising paths to improving growth outcomes for th e Indian economy,” Mr. Geithner said. “They will be welcomed around the world.”

Investors have greeted the changes warmly, driving up India's stock market and the value of its currency, the rupee. But India has yet to bury its long tradition of protectionism and socialist policies, so those changes have caused political tumult, leading one of the governing coalition's biggest allies to leave the government and call for a vote of no-confidence.

Since those who have railed against the latest policy changes have accused the Indian government of selling out to the Americans, Mr. Geithner's praise is not likely to benefit the Indian government politically. But Mr. Chidambaram, never a jolly presence, nonetheless seemed pleased.

Mr. Chidambaram said he had expressed some concerns to Mr. Geithner as well as to the Federal Reserve chairman Ben S. Bernanke, who joined Mr. Geithner in New Delhi, about the Federal Reserve's new plans for monetary easing.

“I raised the concern that it may impact commodity prices, and commodity prices may rise,” said Mr. Chidambaram. The Americans pointed out that commodity prices had not yet risen, Mr. Chidambaram said. “We will wait and see, but if the quantitative easing revives the U.S. economy, that helps us.”

Mr. Geithner later attended a meeting with Indian business leaders at a fancy hotel in town, and he was asked several times what advice he had for Indian leaders. Each time his answer was the basically the same.

“I'm not going to offer advice to this great and dynamic country,” he said.

He did, however, offer some compliments to India's present leaders. “They seem to have very good awareness of not only what's good economic policy for India but how to engender more confidence so that you can get more investment” from both domestic and international investors, he said.

He also said that he was optimistic about I ndia's prospects for sustained long-term economic growth.

“My view is that the basic forces that over the last decade in India, and a little longer in some other economies, produced strong economic growth. I think those forces are still intact,” he said.

Mr. Geithner spent most of his childhood in Africa and Asia, with several formative years at the American Embassy School in India's capital. He returned to the school Tuesday morning and answered questions from students as well as a few parents for nearly an hour.



Sonia, Modi and the Swami

By HARESH PANDYA

Swami Vivekananda, a monk widely credited for raising global awareness of Hinduism and yoga more than a century ago, has become an unlikely touchstone in the run-up to the closely watched Gujarat elections.

On Oct. 3, Sonia Gandhi visited the Swami's Ramakrishna Ashram, in Rajkot, Gujarat, just before addressing a massive political rally. There, she prostrated herself before a statue of the swami's guru, said prayers and received blessings from the monks. Mrs. Gandhi afterward told an ashram leader, “I've deep faith.”

The visit is being interpreted as a response to the Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi's current month-long political yatra, or journey, in honor of the very same Swami.

There are “huge pictures, cutouts and statues of the monk on the stage” wherever Mr. Modi goes to addresses a public rallies, said Bhadrayu Vachharajani, director of the Academic Staff Col lege at Saurashtra University in Rajkot. “There is clearly a message loud and clear for Modi in Sonia Gandhi's one small but significant action,” Mr. Vachharajani said. “She simply went to Ramakrishna Ashram, like any common visitor, bowed her head before the presiding deity, offered prayers and then went to address a rally.”

Swami Vivekananda, a monk in saffron with a trademark turban, was the foremost disciple of Ramakrishna Paramhamsa, a famed mystique of 19th century India who was believed to represent the true meaning of the religion, encompassing love, brotherhood and compassion without dogma or rituals. Swami Vivekananda preached to India's youth when the country was a colony of the British, telling them, “Arise, awake and stop not till the goal is reached.” He is credited with bringing yoga to the West, and counted Leo Tolstoy and the American writer Gertrude Stein among his foreign fans.

In honor of Swami Vivekananda's 150th birthday this Jan uary, Mr. Modi embarked on the “Swami Vivekananda Yuva Yatra” on Sept. 11, traveling from the temple town of Bahucharaji in northern Gujarat, to woo young voters. The trip appears to be an attempt by Mr. Modi to keep his Hindutva, or Hindu nationalist, image intact while reaching out to other communities.

Mr. Modi has met with minority community leaders, Muslims as well as Dalits, and has been emphasizing communal harmony and peace in Gujarat in his speeches. Response to the yatra has been excellent â€" the chief minister drew a nearly 25,000 people in the city of Limbdi and about 15,000 in Morbi last week.

Swami Vivekananda embarked upon his own yatra, the famous Bharat Darshan Yatra, in the early 1890s, but for very different reasons. During his five-year journey across India, he met maharajas and viziers, famous scholars and artists and while seeing and visiting great centers of learning. The country's diverse religious traditions were believed to have enl arged his parochial vision into a national one as he traveled.

Mr. Modi is expected by his party members to carry out a similar nationwide yatra if his Bharatiya Janata Party is re-elected in Gujarat, in order to boost support for his prime minister run in 2014.

Mr. Modi has often said he is an avid follower of Vivekananda and his ideals, and a statue of the sage travels with him on a bus during the yatra. The bus itself has been painted with photographs of Vivekananda.

Congress Party officials have been quick to condemn Mr. Modi, saying that he is politicizing the Swami. “Swami Vivekananda was an apostle of Hinduism,” Arjun Modhwadia, the Congress Party chief in Gujarat, said in a telephone interview. “He was a saint, not a political leader,” he said, one who remained distant from politics for his entire life. “But it's a pity, even shame, that Modi and the B.J.P. are using his name to gain political mileage,” he said.

Keshubhai Patel, th e former B.J.P. stalwart and chief minister of Gujarat who has started his own political group, the Gujarat Parivartan Party, has also castigated Mr. Modi for “dragging” a great seer's name in the world of politics.

“We respect Swami Vivekananda and that is the reason we've decided to take out yatra in his name,” a B.J.P. leader told the Press Trust of India last month. “This yatra ensures that Modi's core belief in Hindutva is intact along with the motto of our government â€" appeasement for none, development for all.”

Mrs. Gandhi's recent visit to the ashram, which was built in 1927, follows in the footsteps of many Indian politicians. Mohandas K. Gandhi, President Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, President Rajendra Prasad and many other dignitaries have also graced it with their visits. Congress Party officials say there is no hidden message in her visit.

“The Gandhi family members have been devotees of Swami Ramakrishna Paramhansa and Swami Vivek ananda” for many years, said Mr. Modhwadia. Indira Gandhi was a regular visitor to his ashrams through India, he said. “In fact, it is Modi who has carried out a political yatra in the sacred name of Vivekananda.”

During her visit, Mrs. Gandhi “came like any common devotee and pilgrim and no special treatment was given her,” said Swami Sarvasthanand, the current chief of the ashram, in an interview.

He said Mrs. Gandhi told him, “I often go to Belur Math for darshan,” or the beholding of a deity. “I've deep faith.” Belur Math, the headquarters of Ramakrishna Mission, on the western bank of the Hooghly near Kolkata, is where Swami Vivekananda spent his last days.

Swami Sarvasthananda gifted a photograph to Mrs. Gandhi as a memento on behalf of the ashram. “Many political leaders do come here to pay homage to the two seers, and we don't make any distinction between them and other people,” the swami said. “All human beings are equal for us regardless of their social statuses and sects.”



Below Five Percent Growth for India, I.M.F. Says

By SRUTHI GOTTIPATI

Gloomy projections about India's economy hit a new low Tuesday when the International Monetary Fund downgraded its estimate for growth this year to just 4.9 percent, as the country struggles to cut subsidies and plump up investor confidence.

Calling the outlook for India “unusually uncertain,” the fund said weak growth in the first half of 2012 and a continued investment slowdown led to the bleak projection. But it said growth could rise to about 6 percent next year with “improvements in external conditions and confidence,” boosted by a package of economic policy changes recently introduced by the central government.

The new growth forecast for 2012 was 1.3 percentage points lower than the fund's July projection. The fund said domestic problems in emerging economies like India's contributed to its overall revision of global growth prospects for 2012 to 3.3 percent, down from 3.5 percent in July.

“India's activity suffered from waning business confidence amid slow approvals for new projects, sluggish structural reforms, policy rate hikes designed to rein in inflation, and flagging external demand,” the I.M.F. said in its World Economic Outlook report. (Read the full Asia portion of the report here.)

But the fund applauded the steps taken by the government in recent weeks and urged India to focus on speeding up economic reforms.

“In India, there is an urgent need to reaccelerate infrastructure investment, especially in the energy sector, and to launch a new set of structural reforms, with a view to boosting business investment and removing supply bottlenecks,” the report said.

“Structural reform also includes tax and spending reforms, in particular, reducing or eliminating subsidies, while protecting the poor. In this regard, the recent announcements with respect to easing restrictions on foreign direct investment in some sectors, privatizations, and lowering fuel subsidies are very welcome.”