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Election Commission Rule on Seizing Cash Roils Gujarat Businesses

A woman carrying cash to her bank in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, in this Nov. 22, 2008 file photo.Ruth Fremson/ The New York TimesA woman carrying cash to her bank in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, in this Nov. 22, 2008 file photo.

A recent order by the Election Commission of India aimed at curbing pre-election corruption is roiling businesses in the western state of Gujarat, which goes to polls in December.

Hoping to cut down on political parties who trade cash and goods like appliances for votes, a common occurrence in state elections across India, the commission ruled that cash in excess of 250,000 rupees ($4,700) being transported in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh be seized unless it can be accounted for. Citizens carryi ng this amount of cash or more need to produce documentary evidence of its origin and purpose. But in practice the state authorities are making even those possessing less than the limit do the same.

A group of surveillance teams have fanned out across Gujarat and are checking vehicles in Ahmedabad, Mehsana, Rajkot, Surat, Surendranagar, Vadodara and other cities, seizing cash in transit over the 250,000 rupee level, much to the chagrin of local businessmen. The teams, composed of an executive magistrate, several police officers and a video camera, have seized at least 100 million rupees ($1.9 million) so far in Gujarat.

The Election Commission has also asked income tax authorities to investigate whether the seized money was meant for political use.

Gujarat goes to the polls from Dec. 13 to 17 for a closely watched state election that pits the longtime chief minister Narendra Modi, considered the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Part y's best candidate for prime minister, against the Congress Party, which controls the central government.

Himachal Pradesh's state election is in early November, and while the same rules on cash in transit apply there, they have had less of an impact on the state compared to Gujarat, which is more reliant on trade and industry. Much of the business in Gujarat is conducted in cash, making the new rules wildly unpopular with Gujarat businessmen, traders and angadias, or couriers.

It is also just weeks before Diwali, the Hindu new year, when gifting gold and jewelry is common, and retailers say the clampdown is hurting their business.

“People tend to purchase more gold and jewelry on Diwali than during any other time of the year. A majority of them make the purchase by cash,” said Bhayabhai Saholiya, president of the Rajkot Gold Dealers' Association. “It's just not possible to produce evidence each and every time” one transports money, he said.

I f the Election Commission does not relax the new rules, the business community might call for a widespread strike, he said.

Already a public interest litigation has been filed in Gujarat High Court by Bhagyoday Jan Parishad, an association of traders, in Ahmedabad, seeking “restraint and moderation” of the order. Various business organizations are seeking legal advice and even threatening to go on strike.

Traders and businessmen were caught unaware when the squads started inspecting bags and vehicles last week, trade groups say. In three cases alone, surveillance teams seized unaccounted-for cash worth more than rupees 100 million rupees, including 93 million rupees from a private security agency vehicle near a toll plaza in Mehsana.

The director of the state-run Agriculture Produce Market Committee in Khedbrahma, Sabarkantha district, reported 500,000 rupees had been seized. A guru, Bharati Bapu, in Rajkot, said he also had 500,000 rupees seized and wa s only released after several hours of explanation.

Justifying the seizure of the private security agency cash, Mehsana's district collector, Rajkumar Beniwal, said, “The official of the agency accompanying the van could not produce adequate documents to support his case. The money was withdrawn from ICICI Bank in Ahmedabad, and was being taken to its various branches.”

Earlier, in 12 surprise checks, the teams intercepted cash worth more than 14 million rupees, but returned nearly all of it after the parties concerned accounted for it, officials said. Just 290,000 rupees are unaccounted for in those checks and have been seized, said Anita Karwal, state chief election officer.

While the election battle between the Bharatiya Janata Party and the opposition Congress Party is fierce, both sides are in agreement about the new Election Commission rules: they should be stopped, they say.

The Bharatiya Janata Party state leader Purushottam Rupala urged t he commission to ease the rules, so the common man, traders and businessmen are not harassed, he said. “If any politician is caught carrying cash, the E.C.I. must take strict action, but the common man should not be penalized, because over 90 percent of retail transactions are done by cash,” he said.

Shaktisinh Gohil, the leader of opposition in the Gujarat assembly, has also asked the Election Commission to stop such investigations and seizures until Diwali.



Video of Lebanese Military Taking to Beirut\'s Streets

The Lebanese mlitary fanned out across Beirut to try and quell sectarian violence.

As my colleagues Neil MacFarquhar and David D. Kirkpatrick report, members of the Lebanese military took positions in Beirut on Monday aimed at removing gunmen from the street and breaking down roadblocks set up by civilians following a car bomb on Friday that killed a top security official and seven others.

In an unusual statement, military officials also asked politicians to help calm tensions between supporters of the Syrian president, Bashar Assad, and his opponents. Despite denials, the Syrian government has been widely blamed for the blast that killed the security official, Brig. Gen. Wissam al-Hassan, who was viewed by Syrian opposition activists as a supporter of the armed effort to o ust President Assad.

“Tension in some areas is increasing to unprecedented levels,” read part of a statement issued by Lebanon's armed forces. “We are appealing to all leaders from all political factions to be aware about expressing their positions and trying to incite popular opinion.”

The military's statement followed overnight clashes that left at least six people dead. And, over the weekend, an angry mob attempted to storm the Beirut offices of Prime Minister Najib Mikati, prompting the military to say that it would use force, if needed, if people targeted institutions or officials.

“The last few hours have proven without a doubt that the country is going through a decisive and critical time and the level of tension in some regions is rising to unprecedented levels,” the statement said.

Among the 80 people injured in the blast on Friday was a 10-year-old girl, Jennifer Shedid, who was returning home from s chool when the bomb exploded. In an Associated Press photograph that went around the world, the child was seen, badly wounded with bloodied sneakers, as her father carried her from the wreckage. Her injuries required more than 300 stitches, according to a report by Bassem Mroue for The Associated Press. But her father reports that she will be all right.



Pussy Riot Protesters Sent to Prison Camps

As Miriam Elder reports for The Guardian, the protest group Pussy Riot announced on its Twitter feed Monday that two jailed members of the all-female collective, Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, 22, and Maria Alyokhina, 24 - both mothers of young children - have been sent to penal colonies to serve their sentences.

The women were sentenced to two years in jail for bursting into Moscow's main cathedral in February and performing a song calling on the Virgin Mary to rid Russia of Vladimir Putin. A third member of the group was released after an appeal hearing this month.

A lawyer for the two women confirmed the news to Agence France-Presse, saying, “Nadya Tolokonnikova has been sent to Mordovia, and Maria Alyokhina to Perm.” The group's brief statement described Perm and Mordovia as “the harshest camps of all the possible choices.”

As Marina Lapenkova of AFP explained:

The Perm region, where temperatures can fall as low as minus 50 degrees Celsius in winter, housed Stalin-era labour camps, one of which has been turned into a museum about the history of political repression.

Mordovia is a region dotted with lakes that is chiefly known for its prison camps dating back to the Stalin era.

Years after the Soviet gulag, conditions in Russia's penal colonies remain notoriously harsh, as my colleague Andrew Kramer reported two years ago.

Ms. Elder notes in her report that both women “had petitioned to serve their sentences in Moscow, arguing that they wanted to be close to their children. Alyo khina has a five-year-old son named Filipp, while Tolokonnikova has a four-year-old daughter named Gera.”

Ms. Tolokonnikova's young daughter traveled to the United States last month along with her father, the activist Pyotr Verzilov, to lobby Congress to pass legislation that would impose sanctions on Russian officials involved in human rights abuses. The four-year-old's experience in Washington, where she and her father were feted by rights groups, and sat next to Aung San Sui Kyi at one event, was featured recently in the independent Russian documentary series, “Srok,” or “The Term,” which charts the opposition movement in episodes posted on YouTube.

An episode of a Russian documentary, “Srok,” or The Term,” charting Russia's opposition movement, focused on the experi ence of the young daughter of a jailed member of the protest group Pussy Riot.

Alya Kirillova, the producer of the observational documentary, who also shot the video of the young girl's trip to Washington, told The Lede in an instant-message interview this month that she and her colleagues are following the various strands of Russia's opposition movement to try to understand the potential leaders better. “We neither chronicle protest rallies nor make news reports. We record the thoughts and emotions of those leaders. We want to understand where they lead us. What they call us up for,” Ms. Kirillova wrote.

Robert Mackey also remixes the news on Twitter @robertmackey.



Two Narratives to Explain Unrest in One Bahraini Village

Video posted online by opposition activists in Bahrain, said to show that a village near the capital is under siege by the security forces.

A village southeast of Bahrain's capital surrounded by checkpoints has become a focus of the ongoing struggle between the government and opposition activists. In the village of Eker, activists say students are being kept from school, closing shops and roads are blocked.

The government calls the security measures necessary following an attack last week in which, the authorities say, a police officer was killed and another injured. According to the Bahrain Center for Human Rights, security forces are imposing a curfew on the village and the cordon is making it difficult to get ambulances, medical supplies and food through.

Both sides have turned to social media to document what they say is the reality of a situation being grossly distorted by their opponents.

On Monday, when more than 200 protesters tried to break through the security cordon, the security forces fired tear gas, according to an Associated Press photographer and Said Yousif al-Muhafdah of the Bahrain Center for Human Rights.

Opposition activists shared photographs and video online, showing what they said were heavy-handed tactics employed by the security forces against a group of women who had attempted to bring food and medicine into the village.

Video posted online Monday by opposition activists in Bahrain, showing women being chased by the security forces near a village outside the capital.

What exactly took place last week in Eker remains a subject of contention between supporters of the government and opposition activists, with each side wary of accepting the version of events put forward by their political opponents in the divided kingdom.

According to a government statement, on Friday at 1 a.m., a 19-year-old police officer, Imran Ahmed, was killed in an attack during a routine patrol in Eker. A second police officer was critically wounded. Seven people were arrested in connection with the attack, which was described as a bombing in the government statement.

The state information ministry released video with its statement, showing what it described as Eker in the immediate aftermath of the attack.

A video report from Bahrain's state news agency showed the aftermath of what was described as an attack on police officers early on Friday.

On Saturday, the government said the police put up checkpoints to search for suspects. “There has been no attempt to stop people from going about their business, attending work or school, shopping for supplies or seeking medical treatment, as exaggerated reports on social media suggest,” a government spokesman said.

Activists have described the security measures as a siege and suggested that the government's shifting accounts of the nature of the attack cast doubt on the official version of events.

Bahrain's information ministry, which has frequently cast the crackdown on demonstrations as necessary to maintain an orderly flow of traffic in the kingdom, also posted video online showing cars and trucks passing through the checkpoints on Sunday.

Video posted online by Bahrain's information ministry to document traffic flow through checkpoints around Eker.

Three activists were briefly detained on Sunday when they tried to enter the village. The participants in the small protest march taken into custody included Mr. Muhafdah, the rights activist, and Zainab al-Khawaja, whose father Abdulhadi al-Khawaja, founder of the Bahrain Center for Human Rights, was jailed last year for his role in the protest movement.

After their release, opposition activists countered government accounts of the standoff by pointing to photographs and video they posted online of the three protesters walking beside the road, out of the way of traffic, before their arrest.

As The Lede has reported previously, Ms. Khawaj a, who charts the protest movement in Bahrain on her popular @AngryArabiya Twitter feed, has been detained on several occasions since the uprising began, for protesting her father's detention and the continued rule of the country's monarchy. Last December, when she was dragged from a traffic circle in the capital, Manama, video of her arrest seemed to show her being punched by a police officer.

Last week, Ms. Khawaja called in video posted online for protesters to tear up pictures of Bahrain's King Hamad bin Isa al-Khalifa.

Video of protesters in Bahrain tearing up pictures of the country's king.

Although opposition activists are getting their messages out of Bahrain through the Web, the standoff is a reminder, on the eve of a presidential debate in the United States, of uncomfortable questions about American support for Bahrain's monarchy in a region where entrenched autocracies are under threat from popular uprisings.

As our colleague David Kirkpatrick noted in an analysis of the Arab uprisings and the U.S. election, “Neither candidate has fully squared the potential conflicts of American values and interests, a problem most acute in the case of Bahrain. Its Sunni Muslim monarch used brutal force to crush a democracy movement among the Shiite majority, but the island kingdom is also home to the United States Navy's Fifth Fleet and a crucial bulwark against Iranian influence.”

Follow Christine Hauser on Twitter @christineNYT.

Robert Mackey also remixes the news on Twitter @robertmackey.



A Conversation With: Mumbai Film Festival Director Srinivasan Narayanan

A poster for the film Courtesy of Mumbai Academy of the Moving ImageA poster for the film “Stories We Tell” one of the films being screened at the Mumbai Film Festival.

The 14th Mumbai Film Festival, organized by the Mumbai Academy of the Moving Image, opened last Thursday. The festival features more than 230 movies from around the world, screened over eight days, including documentaries, classic cinema, short films and silent movies. Other activities include seminars, a short-film competition for amateur filmmakers from Mumbai and panel discussions.

Srinivasan Narayanan.Courtesy of Mumbai Academy of the Moving ImageSrinivasan Narayanan.

The festival's director, Srinivasan Narayanan, has been involved with international film festivals for more than three decades and has directed the Mumbai Film Festival since 2008. Over the years he has taken on multiple roles, from festival programmer-director and international film distributor to journalist, producer and administrator. In 2001 he started a film distribution company that exports Indian films overseas and brings foreign films to India.

He recently spoke to India Ink about the running the film festival, the state of cinema in India, the challenge posed by piracy and preserving film archives.

Q.

How has the Mu mbai film festival evolved since it started 14 years ago?

A.

The festival has evolved into one of the most important film festivals in this part of the world with competition sections, very strong programming and the participation of international guests. We have grown in both size and power, and the focus of the festival is now to show the best from all over the world. We are an inclusive film festival and try to appeal to people's diverse tastes, whether they are serious minded, fun loving, enjoy commercial cinema or watch documentary films.

Q.

The festival is celebrating 100 years of Indian cinema by screening nine restored silent films, accompanied by a live orchestra. Could you tell us a little about that?

A.

When we were thinking of how to celebrate the centenary of Indian cinema we thought we would pay tribute to the founding fathers of the Indian film industry by screening th eir movies the way they were screened originally. Also, we feel that the culture of film preservation and restoration is inadequate in India and that the festival should emphasize that part of film making, so we decided to highlight restored films.

Q.

There seems to be a big emphasis on film preservation. What are some of the challenges film archives face?

A.

The biggest challenge is a lack of funds; archives all over the world are facing a financial crunch. It is a painstaking process going through films frame by frame and bringing them back to life but it must be done if we want to preserve these movies that are part of our history and culture. Also, there is apathy in some quarters. They don't understand the importance of film preservation. We have to make them understand.

Compared to the efforts of archives elsewhere in the world in preserving and restoring films, India is faring quite poorly. Archives in Poland and Yugoslavia are doing great work and the Academy Film Archive and The Film Foundation established by Martin Scorsese are going a pioneering job in restoring films. Attending the film festival in Bologna is like going on a pilgrimage, there is such an emphasis on film preservation and restoration. In India, Mr. P. K. Nair has been instrumental in working with the National Film Archive of India.

Q.

The festival features several screenings of regional films. Do you think Bollywood overshadows regional cinema in India? Is there an ongoing effort to bring more regional cinema to the fore?

A.

I don't think regional cinema is overshadowed by Bollywood, rather Bollywood bravely embraces films from other languages that are either remade or dubbed and released in a much bigger scale. In India, Hindi films have a much wider market while Hindi becomes a mul ti-million-rupee project. The festival is putting a spotlight on regional films and providing a platform to promote them. About 17 regional films are going to be screened in our Indian section.

Q.

In spite of efforts in the industry to curb piracy, India has a flourishing market for pirated films. The festival is working with the former Anti-Terrorist Squad chief A.A. Khan to fight film piracy. What steps are you planning to take and what are you aiming to do?

A.

The main thing is to prevent recording in theaters â€" otherwise film material is very well protected. That is why we have brought in A.A. Khan and associates to prevent piracy in the theaters by people who bring in their camcorders. Whenever you speak to agents about distribution in India their main concern is piracy â€" so it is a big issue. We want to create a culture that does not support piracy.

Q.

There is also a compe tition for young filmmakers in Mumbai to create and showcase short films about the city. How is the response?

A.

The response has been tremendous, with over 180 films submitted from which we have selected 25, so the competition was tough. The idea is to ignite a spark in young filmmakers and give them a platform to get started. The person who won the competition at the first Mumbai Film Festival, Srinivas Sunderrajan, is now a well-known film maker.

Q.

How has the audience for cinema in India changed over the past few decades? Is the average cinema fan in India today much different from 20 years ago?

A.

They are different in the sense that they now have a tremendous opportunity to watch films from all over the world because of video and television changing their understanding of cinema. While the audience has evolved there is still limited facilities available in India for the distri bution of art house films.

In America there are specific movie theaters for art house movies, and in Europe the government is putting in a lot of money into their promotion, but in India everything has to be done privately. Some people have invested in it, not made money and exited. There is an opportunity there, I think.

Q.

What are you are most excited about at the Mumbai Film Festival this year? Which films are you looking forward to watching this year?

A.

I'm very happy with the selection of films we have, the academic activities, the participation of international personalities and the response from the public. We have about 6,000 delegates attending the festival and for every film every seat has been occupied. I've watched at least 210 of the films already and love each and every one.

Interview has been lightly edited and condensed.



India\'s \'Common Man\' Activist on Tireless Publicity Campaign

India Against Corruption activist Arvind Kejriwal addressing a press conference in New Delhi, in this Oct. 17, 2012 file photo.Anindito Mukherjee/European Pressphoto AgencyIndia Against Corruption activist Arvind Kejriwal addressing a press conference in New Delhi, in this Oct. 17, 2012 file photo.

A roadside sit-in protest of a few hundred electric company workers with labor complaints wouldn't normally be enough to attract India's national television stations and newspapers.

But that's just what happened on Monday, when the anti-corruption activist Arvind Kejriwal lent his voice to the protest, his latest move in a seemingly tireless string of public appearances and press conferences to promote his new political party.

Until recently, Mr. Kejriwal, 44, was best known as the architect of last year's massive anticorruption protests led by Anna Hazare, but since Mr. Hazare said a month ago that he does not support the formation of a new political party, Mr. Kejriwal has taken the spotlight.

So far, neither the name, organization nor manifesto of Mr. Kejriwal's party has been declared, but its purpose seems to be well known and straightforward enough: to fight corruption. The former government bureaucrat has declared that his party will run for Delhi state elections in 2013.

In recent weeks, he has distributed documents that he alleges prove corruption by top politicians and organized sit-ins in front of their homes. His allegations seem to be bipartisan: He has already targeted the son-in-law of the Congress president Sonia Gandhi, the Congress Party law minister Salman Khursheed and the Bharatiya Janata Party, or B.J.P., president Nitin Gadkari.

Mr. Kejriwal, 44, has taken to wearing a white cap known as a Gandhi or Nehru cap, a potent reminder of India's independence activists. On one side of the cap he was wearing on Monday the words “I am the common man” were written, and on the other, “I want Jan Lokpal law,” referring to the anticorruption law that was once Mr. Hazare's main cause.

Recently, Mr. Kejriwal lit on a popular issue, increased electricity prices in Delhi, which affects nearly every family in the region. Electricity prices were raised 26 percent in July, and residents are complaining. Recently, Mr. Kejriwal has been filmed restoring electricity connections for families whose power was shut off.

Monday's protest was another chance to show his solidarity with the common man, in this case the electric company workers. Mr. Kejriwal cited labor laws that he said private electricity distribution companies are violating, like paying less than minimum wage, not paying bonuse s and not helping injured workers.

After narrating the plight of several workers, he asked the crowd, “Who needs to protect you?” and then answered with the crowd, “Sheila Dikshit, the chief minister.” Instead of protecting workers, though, Mrs. Dikshit is “working as an agent of private companies,” he said.

Workers loved the exchange and clapped to show their support. Some of the India's news channels showed it live.

This isn't the first time Mr. Kejriwal has attacked Mrs. Dikshit. On a previous occasion, he referred to her as a “dalal,” or middleman. Her political secretary, Pawan Khera, responded to that allegation with a legal notice for civil and criminal defamation.

“Either he should take his word back or be ready for civil and criminal defamation. This kind of language, to say dalal to a three-time elected chief minister, is unheard of in public discourse till now,” Mr. Khera said to NDTV, an independent news channel, on Mon day.

Mr. Kejriwal mocked the legal notice on Monday and seemed to welcome the counterattack. “It is not we who are defaming you; it is your misdeeds which are defaming you,” he said.

Mr. Kejriwal said Monday that the entire political class has united to find out how to deal with him and his new party. “The Congress is baffled, the B.J.P. is baffled, and the whole political class is baffled,” he said.

The people of India will teach the political class a lesson in the upcoming elections, he predicted.



Image of the Day: Oct. 22

British High Commissioner James Bevan meets Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi in Gandhinagar, Gujarat. Before Monday, British officials had not met directly with Mr. Modi for a decade, following the Gujarat riots of 2002 that left hundreds dead.Gujarat Information Bureau/Agence France-Presse - Getty ImagesBritish High Commissioner James Bevan meets Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi in Gandhinagar, Gujarat. Before Monday, British officials had not met directly with Mr. Modi for a decade, following the Gujarat riots of 2002 that left hundreds dead.

Celebrating Durga Puja Abroad Means Pining for the Real Thing

An idol display at Singhi Park in Kolkata, West Bengal  in this Oct. 19, 2012 photo.Courtesy of Sara RayAn idol display at Singhi Park in Kolkata, West Bengal  in this Oct. 19, 2012 photo.

COLLEGE PARK, Maryland - It's October, the season of Durga Puja (Puja being Sanskrit for worship), the most important religious festival for Bengali-Hindus.

As a Non-Resident-Indian- first-generation-Bengali-settled-in-the-United States, I have a standard operating procedure for this time of the year. I go online, find out the venues (usually schools) and the dates (usually weekends) of each of the local Durga Pujos. I then use a complex algorithm, one that factors in inputs like the distance of the venue from my house and the entry-fee, to settle on a destination. Then my wife states her preference and that is where we end up going.

I take my traditional Bengali kurta-pyjama out from the suitcase, fire up the GPS, arrive at the venue, sit around for some time making small talk with my wife and overhearing scraps of conversations about mortgage rates, while keeping a standard-issue smile plastered to my face, trying to avoid the jolly-faced lady floating about in a friendly way trying to sell “latest-design” saris from India. I have my food, snigger at the cultural programs and finally drive back home, promising myself that this is the last time I will go to one of these events. It's a resolve I maintain until the next October comes around.

For the uninitiated, Durga Puja, or Pujo as we Bengalis pronounce it, is the Bengali-Hindu equivalent of Christmas. According to lore, the Goddess Durga spends the whole year caring for her husband, Lord Shiva, in the Himalayas. But for four golden days in autumn, she returns to her parents' house, accompanied by her children, an occasion that mortals celebrate with pomp and pageantry. The essence of the festivities thus lies in coming home and being with all those whom one loves.

It's difficult to get this warm, fuzzy sensation sitting in a large school cafeteria that has been converted into a Durga Pujo venue, thousands of miles away from the place I call home. As a matter of fact, it's difficult to consider the American Durga Pujo as even a mildly authentic experience, since four days of religious ceremonies are often squeezed into a Saturday and a Sunday (sometimes even a single day) on a weekend that may be before or after the actual Durga Pujo days, an experience as unreal as celebrating Thanksgiving and Christmas on the same day in the month of April.

The mind tends to wander, back to when one didn't have to settle with pallid re-creations in foreign lands. In Ko lkata when I was a child, the excitement starting building in the month of August. Organizers of community Durga Pujos, of which there were thousands, would go knocking door to door, using every technique from gentle emotional blackmail to enforcer-like intimidation to collect donations. The shopping and gift-giving season would also be in full swing, with the scientist in me trying to calculate an objective measure of how much my relatives loved me by counting the number of shirt pieces and trouser pieces I received.

A pandal, or temporary structure in which the Durga idol is housed, at Adi Ballygunge in Kolkata, West Bengal, Oct. 19.Courtesy of Sara RayA pandal, or temporary structure in which the Durga idol is housed, a t Adi Ballygunge in Kolkata, West Bengal, Oct. 19.

About three weeks before the event, the countdown would begin in earnest. Elaborate bamboo structures were set up at every street-corner and park. Very rapidly, these skeletons would be transformed by cloth and artwork into exquisitely beautiful pandals, the temporary structures in which the Durga idols would be housed once they arrived. Which they did soon enough, in trucks, their faces covered because one was not allowed to see the Goddess and her children unless it was time. Of course that was one of the few times that time was taken seriously. Otherwise, that concept was pretty elastic. Theoretically, the ceremony is for four days. In fact, it stretches to six, sometimes even seven.

Those days would be the shortest of the year. There were just so many things to do. Night-long pandal-hopping expeditions in rented cars, stuck in traffic for 60 minutes and moving for five. Enjoying oily chicken rolls from street-side vendors. Getting my feet trampled on while trying to join the line at College Square. Gawking at the supreme level of artistry on display at the Mohammed Ali Park pandal. Strutting up and down Maddox Square, admiring the ethereal beauty of the Goddess in clay and the angels of flesh and blood that flit around, all dressed up in their finest, the cadence of their laughter melting into the music of the drumbeats, a testament to how, when the Gods come to earth, they bring heaven with them.

Of course everything has to end, more so when the Kolkata police stipulates the deadline for idol immersion.

Sweets would then be exchanged, married women would playfully smear vermilion (sindoor), the mark of marriage for Hindu women, on each others' foreheads in a ceremony known as sindoor khela, a quiet tear would be shed as the idols would float away in the Ganges, and the burden of all the work that I had pushed off for months telling myself “I will do it after Pujo” would bear down upon me with great urgency even as the anticipation and planning for next year would begin.

Now of course, many years later and many miles away, things are different.

The new Durga Pujo is an optional social event, scheduled around my life.

The old Durga Pujo was my life, and everything else was scheduled around it.

By the light of day, Arnab Ray is a research scientist at the Fraunhofer Center For Experimental Software Engineering and also an adjunct assistant professor at the Computer Science department of the University of Maryland at College Park. Come night, he metamorphoses into blogger , novelist (“May I Hebb Your Attention Pliss” and “The Mine”) and columnist.

He can be followed at @greatbong on Twitter.



Celebrating Durga Puja Abroad Means Pining for the Real Thing

An idol display at Singhi Park in Kolkata, West Bengal  in this Oct. 19, 2012 photo.Courtesy of Sara RayAn idol display at Singhi Park in Kolkata, West Bengal  in this Oct. 19, 2012 photo.

COLLEGE PARK, Maryland - It's October, the season of Durga Puja (Puja being Sanskrit for worship), the most important religious festival for Bengali-Hindus.

As a Non-Resident-Indian- first-generation-Bengali-settled-in-the-United States, I have a standard operating procedure for this time of the year. I go online, find out the venues (usually schools) and the dates (usually weekends) of each of the local Durga Pujos. I then use a complex algorithm, one that factors in inputs like the distance of the venue from my house and the entry-fee, to settle on a destination. Then my wife states her preference and that is where we end up going.

I take my traditional Bengali kurta-pyjama out from the suitcase, fire up the GPS, arrive at the venue, sit around for some time making small talk with my wife and overhearing scraps of conversations about mortgage rates, while keeping a standard-issue smile plastered to my face, trying to avoid the jolly-faced lady floating about in a friendly way trying to sell “latest-design” saris from India. I have my food, snigger at the cultural programs and finally drive back home, promising myself that this is the last time I will go to one of these events. It's a resolve I maintain until the next October comes around.

For the uninitiated, Durga Puja, or Pujo as we Bengalis pronounce it, is the Bengali-Hindu equivalent of Christmas. According to lore, the Goddess Durga spends the whole year caring for her husband, Lord Shiva, in the Himalayas. But for four golden days in autumn, she returns to her parents' house, accompanied by her children, an occasion that mortals celebrate with pomp and pageantry. The essence of the festivities thus lies in coming home and being with all those whom one loves.

It's difficult to get this warm, fuzzy sensation sitting in a large school cafeteria that has been converted into a Durga Pujo venue, thousands of miles away from the place I call home. As a matter of fact, it's difficult to consider the American Durga Pujo as even a mildly authentic experience, since four days of religious ceremonies are often squeezed into a Saturday and a Sunday (sometimes even a single day) on a weekend that may be before or after the actual Durga Pujo days, an experience as unreal as celebrating Thanksgiving and Christmas on the same day in the month of April.

The mind tends to wander, back to when one didn't have to settle with pallid re-creations in foreign lands. In Ko lkata when I was a child, the excitement starting building in the month of August. Organizers of community Durga Pujos, of which there were thousands, would go knocking door to door, using every technique from gentle emotional blackmail to enforcer-like intimidation to collect donations. The shopping and gift-giving season would also be in full swing, with the scientist in me trying to calculate an objective measure of how much my relatives loved me by counting the number of shirt pieces and trouser pieces I received.

A pandal, or temporary structure in which the Durga idol is housed, at Adi Ballygunge in Kolkata, West Bengal, Oct. 19.Courtesy of Sara RayA pandal, or temporary structure in which the Durga idol is housed, a t Adi Ballygunge in Kolkata, West Bengal, Oct. 19.

About three weeks before the event, the countdown would begin in earnest. Elaborate bamboo structures were set up at every street-corner and park. Very rapidly, these skeletons would be transformed by cloth and artwork into exquisitely beautiful pandals, the temporary structures in which the Durga idols would be housed once they arrived. Which they did soon enough, in trucks, their faces covered because one was not allowed to see the Goddess and her children unless it was time. Of course that was one of the few times that time was taken seriously. Otherwise, that concept was pretty elastic. Theoretically, the ceremony is for four days. In fact, it stretches to six, sometimes even seven.

Those days would be the shortest of the year. There were just so many things to do. Night-long pandal-hopping expeditions in rented cars, stuck in traffic for 60 minutes and moving for five. Enjoying oily chicken rolls from street-side vendors. Getting my feet trampled on while trying to join the line at College Square. Gawking at the supreme level of artistry on display at the Mohammed Ali Park pandal. Strutting up and down Maddox Square, admiring the ethereal beauty of the Goddess in clay and the angels of flesh and blood that flit around, all dressed up in their finest, the cadence of their laughter melting into the music of the drumbeats, a testament to how, when the Gods come to earth, they bring heaven with them.

Of course everything has to end, more so when the Kolkata police stipulates the deadline for idol immersion.

Sweets would then be exchanged, married women would playfully smear vermilion (sindoor), the mark of marriage for Hindu women, on each others' foreheads in a ceremony known as sindoor khela, a quiet tear would be shed as the idols would float away in the Ganges, and the burden of all the work that I had pushed off for months telling myself “I will do it after Pujo” would bear down upon me with great urgency even as the anticipation and planning for next year would begin.

Now of course, many years later and many miles away, things are different.

The new Durga Pujo is an optional social event, scheduled around my life.

The old Durga Pujo was my life, and everything else was scheduled around it.

By the light of day, Arnab Ray is a research scientist at the Fraunhofer Center For Experimental Software Engineering and also an adjunct assistant professor at the Computer Science department of the University of Maryland at College Park. Come night, he metamorphoses into blogger , novelist (“May I Hebb Your Attention Pliss” and “The Mine”) and columnist.

He can be followed at @greatbong on Twitter.